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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Exclusion and public policies: Exclusion, on the other speak of social exclusion when approaching a hand, connects the economic to the political and series of themes and problems not always clearly social aspects. Nevertheless, besides citizenship differentiated or rigorously defined.
Widely em- and insertion in the national society, its references ployed in France, the concept proposes a new way are the borders between groups and a non-explicit for dealing with some of the questions related to classificatory logic, not always clear to those who the subject of underclass, without its theoretical misuse the concept.
The underclass assaulting those who wish to employ the concept concept, recently developed in discussions about of exclusion with accuracy, we must differentiate dual or global cities Sassen, ; Castels and two sorts of problems: The concept, thus, bears im- a tradition in the study of symbolic systems that has portant theoretical resemblance to those theories prevailed in social thought, especially the one developed in Latin America about the informal which was more influenced by Structural Anthro- market and criminality, chiefly linking the social to pology.
In other words, the links between revised by the author. This logic Some of these communities are more fluid, corresponds to what the French call structurelle, more open or more comprehensive than others.
This anthropologic theory has tics of its members that are denied to the excluded. Some communities may be more ity, mutuality, authority, and not only classificatory indulgent in the processes of admission, conver- logic or the excluding game of power and discrim- sion or inclusion whereas others may impose more ination, become a part of the complex scenario in demanding criteria. Most European countries owe which manifold actors command the social and most of their problems of exclusion to the non- political fields.
In theory, we can assert that every classificatory sys- any event, to opt for inclusion is to opt for a tem, or every community, insofar as they have their common plateau of identity and of social belong- own peculiar identities, will create exclusion: These groups, how- accepting and less excluding nations of the world.
This is the first difficulty in focusing just the identities in the world. Any classificatory of hybridism softens the differences and, as a result system that is based solely on terms of binary logic, of the mixture, creates a common racial and cultur- inasmuch as it needs a clear boundary separating al nucleus.
That is also why the violently excluding the parts — and this cannot be reduced to polarized forms of biological racism of the past or cultural systems between only two categories — will pro- racism of the present are not remarkable in this duce exclusion, which is, therefore, a classifying country.
In fact, Brazil is a country that theoretically trait upon which the structural concept of social rejects racism, even if in practice it presents signs of identity is based.
The same, however, cannot be said brings us to a new order of problems. That is how the term is used by communities or groups does not necessarily create most authors. Pierre Rosanvallonfor in- a situation of injustice.
He in relation to other groups. When, then, does thinks about the real rights, not about those written exclusion and injustice overlap?
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Despite the converging points and the purely formal and unreal character since they are juxtaposition, the debate on exclusion focus injus- not always implemented. From this perspective, tice from a point of view different from the one that political and civil participation implies concrete sees it through the underclass concept. Thus a person is not simply social issues agree that, in order to think social a subject of rights assured by law, but rather a injustice, one does not have to consider only the receiver of care and protection and, at the same small groups anymore, but instead the national time, someone who remains available to fulfill societies in their relations with national states.
In this manner, Rosanvallon com- offered or assured by the state. Some point out that bines the so-called social or collective rights, ex- even then we would have greatly differentiated tending them to a category of people that are not situations, levels and degrees of exclusion. It is taken into account, with individual rights and therefore necessary to understand the processes duties.
It is not anymore a matter of the collective that lead to a,ba and the particular content of right to a portion of the wealth created by the different exclusions in order to reach a truer and nation, but also of individual rights or moral obli- less rhetoric understanding of exclusion.
For in- gations that each person has with all the other stance, the life history and situations lived by street individuals that forms the nation. Final- of the right to work, which develops into a policy of ly, others discuss justice as revo,ta more comprehensive mere protection and an attempt to guarantee the concept, which encompasses not only the relations right to life.
An active citizenship is not just upon a general process of education, inside and about the right to life, but the right to live in society, outside schools, and becomes an alternative to the that is, the right to civil and political involvement often frustrated attempts to amend the unsociable which above all implies a retribution from those sociability to which Kant refers. In it, ideally, public who benefit.
Likewise, it is not just about the right of policies should focus more on revotla prevention of work, but the right to work, which requires over- exclusion than on the reinsertion of the excluded, coming the contractual interpretation of solidarity. Beforehand, solidarity was founded on the state — still the main actor zluar the social — creating contributions made by workers and redistribution a new legitimacy for its intervention. In the current policies of reinsertion by zluar In its current phase, economic globalization has one applies a cure to what has not been prevented, changed it all, for technological changes have the French minimum wage program — RMI — deeply altered the working process, and massive incorporates some of the considerations about the unemployment was followed maquiha the growth of the Active Welfare State and proposes the institutional- informal market together with the lack of regula- ization of a social debt, this time with a counterpart: The very with more democratic solutions.
Welfare State should be replaced by the Active not the idea of the economically productive labor, Welfare State. The aim would no longer be just to which results in the increase of plus value, but the assist the needy but to aid people with different idea of a socially useful labor, which may mean social usefulness, whose capacity could always be selling orange juice on the streets, helping to clean put to use.
There would also be a radical socializa- a poor neighborhood, reforesting state areas in tion of goods and responsibilities. The ideology of order to reduce unemployment, and even attend- this new state would bring forward a new concept ing the maauina, the elderly or the children who are at of solidarity: The motto of this ideology is followed by the decentralization of decisions on — to rebuild the nation — means to promote the who should get or go on getting the different kinds solidarity that comes from belonging to the same of assistance.
However, this decentralization is not national community, with a national social security reduced to the transfer from federal to municipal system. They become, therefore, subjects by default, since Nevertheless, another author — Robert Castel they are excluded from all collective protections: Thus, when zalur disaffilia- of exclusion, and proposes different policies to tion, one should combine national issues to local solve the issue.
The terminological change is impor- and to private processes so that one can find tant insofar as affiliation refers to a social process, antidotes. Here Castel is also closer to the US with active people participating in it, and not to a discussion of justice, which follows the communi- binary logic of classification.
Robert Castel also tarian line, looking for the articulation of this per- works a,ba the possible and necessary choices spective with the universalistic that is conceived in within national societies that, even in European the societal line.
He stresses the fact that the unemployed, and different public policies are the policies of integration in a national society necessary for their integration.
He also criticizes should not lose sight of situations differentiated by welfare policies for their post facto characteristic of religion, ethnic identity, race and gender, and re- remedying a situation instead of preventing it. In a sume the theme of pluralism and multiculturalism. These would be economic policies most indifferently treated by everyone.
Thus individualism of those confined in islands by frag- his restrictions to the RMI law, that he sees as mented social tissue, isolated, reduced to nothing, promoting insertion in an ambiguous way. However, what was independence and have found the void.
His and agrees that the inserted should contribute with understanding of exclusion is the closest to the compensations for their insertion, although, con- concept of underclass, employed for thinking the trary to Rosanvallon, he proposes that the political situations of housing, morality and work of the and civil integration with responsibility should be members of ethnic minorities in the United States accompanied by real possibilities of a steady job.
Jenks, ; Katz, ; Danzinger and Weinberg, Following this line of thought, the modern state Since for him the main aspect of exclusion is should redefine its functions and find again its lost the end of the salaried condition, which requires a legitimacy.
According to him, the problem is that stable employment, a nicely constituted family and the new forms of insertion besides a steady job, the a homogeneous religious group or neighborhood, new forms of identity, of solidarity and of social the result is a hazardous and unpredictable life. The right to work as opposed to the right break up the nation, creating serious problem for of work is not equal for everybody. He even admits the integration of the poor since the social issue, as that we may be at the end of the wage-based defined by those authors who thought about it, is society, or of the job as the main vector of integra- basically a national issue.
One of the dangers of tion, but we have to keep our attention focused on decentralization of public policies would be the those who remain outside of this long process of strengthening of local solidarities and identities the building of a new citizenship, which is far from which would leave out a large number of poor being completed. Today, the unemployed or the migrants, rejected by the richer municipalities, ones assisted by the RMI still consider the job as the such as occurs today in several southern states, in biggest expression of dignity and citizenship.
This would represent a reversion end of the wage system, that is, the weaker and the to the English policies of the 17th and 18th centu- dispossessed, the ones that are waiting for the ries, characterized by the immobilization of the emergence of new forms of identity and of citizen- poor in their municipalities of origin Himmelfarb, ship? Urgent political measures and the restructur- and of immense inter-municipal differences.
The question is, therefore, how to the first half of the 20th century, are not the only rebuild the nation.
In so doing, zxluar articulation relevant divisions. Multiple segmentations have cre- between recognized levels of sociability and soli- ated other exclusions and new subjects of right in darity has to be re-established. Cosmopolitanism the following political struggles. In Brazil, for in- does not mean the relinquishing of interpersonal stance, revoltx link between men and women has been sociability or of reciprocity as the principle of institutionalized, but homosexuals are still excluded interpersonal ties, but an extension of these ties from this institutionalization.
However, the concept beyond the small universe of the family, which is of human rights, which is applied to those catego- the matrix of other primary groups. Therefore, the ries not granted with civil rights, is less and less confines of a neighborhood, or even of the associa- invoked as far as the national laws have incorporat- tive trends that are characteristic of modernity, as ed their claims.
Many of the struggles brought well as those of trade unions, restricted profession- forward as being a human rights issue, especially al groups, political parties, and enclosed religious those referring to institutional violence against the groups, have to be surmounted so as to include poor, are in fact fights to transform their civil rights and integrate the layers of the population, revilta a into real rights, i.
In Brazil, the poor are not consid- One should always bear in mind that the ered foreigners, such as revolya with the Arabs and growing option for the concept of exclusion, of their descendants in France and with African and French origin, reveals the final purpose of integra- Antillean blacks in England and France.
In its turn, this re- The tendency to consider specific rights in detri- establishes the new social issue: This tendency could to the law. At the same time, the universalistic to give, receive and to return — would maquins a unity notion of justice based in the idea of equal justice made possible by the character of the gift. The for all becomes relative, opening the way for donated good, charged with a vital strength and criteria that are local, situational and diversified, as with the energy that would make retribution oblig- well as thrived within the different circuits of atory, would create the magic of uniting people distribution and exchange, of which the state is not mqquina establish social ties among them.
The gift anymore the sole mediator. Mouvement Anti-Utilitariste des Scien- Mauss, however, did not have a naive concep- tistes Sociaux and others that intend to unravel the tion of donation, for he did stress its negative and market, self-interest and impersonal or bureaucrat- ambivalent aspects.
The ambivalence of donation ic rules as the icons of modernity in sociologic would be present in the connotations suggested by thought, inspired by utilitarianism. The gift, however, would shame those who wide circuits as outlets for the predicaments creat- would get it in doses that they would not be able to ed by neo-liberalism.
The donation is also a resource of power al communication, keeping in sight the ambiva- much used in rituals of status display, providing the lence and contradictions of these terms. As tools for donor with prestige and power, that is, it is not a building up of the idea of social order, organization, token made out of pure unselfishness or generosity, sociability or positive sociality, these concepts were although its selfish character is more symbolic than first adopted, then pretty much criticized and re- material.
Reciprocity is also maintained at the edge cently recuperated. Today, at the end of the centu- of the agon, a force that pushes maqulna into competi- ry, numerous social scientists re-start using the tion, rivalry and revenge when they feel they have terms employed at the beginning of the century suffered grievance or offense Boilleau, Do- because of the fraying of the social tissue, urban nation is at the same time selfishness and unselfish- violence and social fragmentation that affects all ness, generosity and strategic or instrumental calcu- forms of cellular organization, the loss of impetus of lation, concepts expressed in a,ba symbolic rather social movements, besides the new challenges than material level, which are maintained in perma- originated from neo-liberal economic theories still nent tension, especially in the relations between based on the individual and self interest.
For this reason, Mauss pointed out It is not by chance that the first theory of one of its perversions: We could century, when liberal market theories prevailed in also add: All of those possibilities Farrugia called the social tie in his book La Crise du hinder free choice for those who bet on giving, Lien Social.
According to the authors of that move- receiving and rendering. These forms would exchange were not restricted — as Marcel Mauss constitute the new contract of civility that is neither himself asserted — to the so-called tribal or prim- the civil nor the political contract with the state, but itive societies. The specific circuits of modern and rather one made by each member with everybody contemporary societies in their economic and po- else within the national community.
They would litical consequences as well as in their positive and justify the new revollta of legitimacy that stress the negative aspects, have been increasingly the object rational character of the state according to Haber- of analysis by countless authors, in different social mas and Ricoeurin which the practice of violence albs Finally, donation, in the state fiscal policy, in various social they would shape new forms of solidarity in which xaluar, but also in the circuits of private f state is also the promoter of innumerable revenge and in the modern penal system that has circuits of reciprocity and solidarity that need not lost its vindictive character.
In the social field definition.
To speak of reciprocity is, therefore, not One of the authors involved in this debate, the enough. The current debate about concepts of reci- Reciprocity is different from the market in so far as it procity, unselfishness and interest is crucial to complies the receiver to render the donor — there- bring together the economic, political and social by creating a relationship, a tie, a link between issues that have been so dissociated in the neo- partners in an exchange without a limit in time.