Mr President of the Federal Republic, Mr President of the Bundestag, Madam Chancellor, .. Discurso del embajador de Guinea Ecuatorial a Benedicto XVI. espanolEn su discurso ante el Parlamento aleman Benedicto XVI sugirio a los politicos democraticos que centraran su atencion en el patrimonio cultural de. Dear Brothers and Sisters, “Our General Audience today is marked by the spiritual joy of Easter, born of the Christ’s victory over sin and death. When the risen.
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Reichstag Building, Berlin Thursday, 22 September It is an honour and a joy for bumdestag to speak before this distinguished house, before the Parliament of my native Germany, that meets here as a democratically elected representation of the people, in order to work for the good of the Federal Republic of Germany. I should like to thank the President of the Bundestag both for his invitation to deliver this address and for the kind words of greeting and appreciation with which he has welcomed me.
At this moment I turn to you, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, not least as your fellow-countryman who for all his life has been conscious of close links to his origins, and has followed the affairs of his native Germany with keen interest.
But the invitation to give this address was extended to me as Pope, as the Bishop of Rome, who bears the highest responsibility for Catholic Christianity. In issuing this invitation you are acknowledging the role that the Holy See plays as a partner within the community of peoples and states. Setting out from this international responsibility that I hold, I should like to propose to you some thoughts on the foundations of a free state of law.
Allow me to begin my reflections on the foundations of law [ Recht ] with a brief story from sacred Scripture.
In the First Book of the Kings, it is recounted that God invited the young King Solomon, on his accession to the throne, to make a request. What will the young ruler ask for at this important moment?
Success — wealth — long life — destruction of xiscurso enemies? He chooses none of these things. Through this story, the Bible wants to tell us what should ultimately matter for a politician. His fundamental criterion and the motivation for his work as a politician must not be success, and certainly not material gain. Politics must be a striving for justice, and hence it has to establish the fundamental preconditions for peace. Naturally a politician will seek success, without which he would have no opportunity for effective political action at all.
Yet success is subordinated to the criterion of justice, to the will to do what is right, and to the understanding of what is right. Success can also be seductive and thus can open up the benedito towards the falsification of what is right, towards the destruction of justice. We Germans know from our own experience that these words are no empty spectre.
We have seen how power became divorced from right, how power opposed right and crushed it, so that the State became an instrument for destroying right — a highly organized band of robbers, capable of threatening the whole world and driving it to the edge of the abyss. To serve right bunfestag to fight against the dominion of wrong is and remains the fundamental task of the politician.
At a moment in history when man has acquired previously inconceivable power, this task benericto on a particular urgency. Vundestag can destroy the world. He can manipulate himself. He can, so to speak, make human xbi and he can deny them their humanity. How do we recognize what is right? How can we discern between good and evil, between what is truly right and what may appear right?
For most of the matters that need to be regulated by law, the support of the majority can serve as a sufficient criterion. Yet it is evident that for the fundamental issues of law, in which the dignity of man and of humanity is at stake, the majority principle bensdicto not enough: In the third century, the great theologian Origen provided the following explanation for the resistance of Christians to certain legal systems: This conviction was benedicti motivated resistance discruso to act against the Nazi regime and other totalitarian regimes, thereby doing a great service to justice and to humanity as a whole.
For these people, it was indisputably evident that the law in force was actually unlawful.
Yet when it comes to the decisions of a democratic politician, the question of what now corresponds to the law of truth, what is actually right and may be enacted as law, is less obvious. In terms of the underlying anthropological issues, what is right and may be given the force of law is in no way simply self-evident today. The question of how to recognize what is truly right bnudestag thus to serve justice when framing laws has never been simple, and today in view of the vast extent of our knowledge and our capacity, it has become still harder.
In history, systems of law have almost always been based on religion: Unlike other great religions, Christianity has never proposed a revealed law to the State and to society, that is to say a juridical order derived from beneddicto. Instead, it has pointed to nature and reason as the true sources of law — and to the harmony of objective and subjective reason, buhdestag naturally presupposes that both spheres are rooted in the creative reason of God.
Christian theologians thereby aligned themselves with a philosophical and juridical movement that discudso to take shape in the second century Budestag. In the first half of that century, the social natural law developed by the Stoic philosophers came into contact with leading teachers of Roman Law. For the development of law and for the development of humanity, it was highly significant that Christian theologians aligned themselves against the religious law associated with polytheism and on the side of philosophy, and that they acknowledged reason and nature in their interrelation as the universally valid source of law.
Discirso step had already been discirso by Saint Paul in the Letter to the Romans, when he said: If this seemed to offer a clear explanation of the foundations of legislation up to the time of the Enlightenment, discusro to the time of the Declaration on Human Rights after the Second World War and the framing of our Basic Law, there has been a dramatic shift in the situation in the last half-century.
The idea of natural law is today viewed as a bundestaag Catholic doctrine, not worth bringing into the discussion in a non-Catholic environment, so that one feels almost ashamed even to mention the term. Let me outline briefly how this situation arose.
The reason for this is that in the meantime, the positivist understanding of nature has come to be almost universally accepted. The same also applies to reason, according to the positivist understanding that is widely held to be the only genuinely scientific one.
Anything that is not verifiable or falsifiable, according to this understanding, does not belong to the realm bundsstag reason strictly understood. Hence ethics and religion must be assigned to the subjective field, and they remain extraneous to the realm of reason in the strict sense of the word.
Where positivist reason dominates the field to the exclusion of all else — and that is broadly the case in our public mindset — then the classical sources of knowledge for ethics and law are excluded.
This is a dramatic situation which affects everyone, and on which a public debate is necessary. Indeed, an essential goal of this address is to issue an urgent invitation to launch one.
The positivist approach to nature and reason, the positivist world view in general, is a most important dimension of human knowledge and capacity that we may in no way dispense with.
But in and of itself it is not a sufficient culture corresponding to the full breadth of the human condition. Where positivist reason considers itself the only sufficient culture and banishes all other cultural realities to bundfstag status of subcultures, it diminishes man, indeed it threatens his diacurso.
The windows must be flung open again, we must see the wide world, the sky and the earth once more and learn to make discuro use of all this.
Bobby López Personal Library
But how are we to do this? How do we find our way out into the wide world, into the big picture? How can reason rediscover its true greatness, without being sidetracked into irrationality? How can nature reassert itself in its true depth, with all its demands, with all its directives? I would like to recall one of the developments in recent political history, hoping that I will neither be misunderstood, nor provoke too many one-sided polemics.
I would say that the emergence of the ecological movement in German bbundestag since the s, while it has not exactly flung open the windows, nevertheless was and continues to be a cry for fresh air bundesgag must not be ignored or pushed aside, just because too much of it is seen to be irrational.
Young people had come to realize that something is wrong in our relationship with nature, that matter is not just raw material for us to shape at will, but that the earth has a dignity of its own and that we must follow its directives.
Bobby López Personal Library
In saying this, I am clearly not promoting any particular political party — nothing could be further from my mind. If something is wrong in our relationship with reality, then we must all reflect seriously on the whole situation and we are all prompted to question the very foundations of our culture.
Allow me to dwell a little longer on this point. The importance of ecology is no longer disputed. We must listen to the language of nature and we must answer accordingly.
Yet I would like to underline a point that seems to me to be neglected, today as in the past: Man too has a nature that he must respect and that he cannot manipulate at will.
Man is not merely self-creating freedom. Man does not create himself. He is intellect and will, but he is also nature, and his will is rightly ordered if he respects his nature, listens to it and accepts himself for who he is, as one who did not create himself.
In this way, and in no other, is true human bundestsg fulfilled. Let us come back to the fundamental concepts of nature and reason, from which we set out. I find it comforting that rational thought is evidently still possible at the age of 84! Previously he had said that norms can only come from the will. Nature therefore could only contain norms, he adds, if a will had put them there.
But this, idscurso says, would presuppose a Creator God, whose will had entered into nature. Is it really pointless to wonder whether the objective reason that manifests itself in nature does not presuppose a creative reason, a Creator Spiritus? Our cultural memory is shaped by these rational insights.
To ignore it or dismiss benwdicto as a thing of the past would be to dismember our culture totally and to rob it of its completeness.
This three-way encounter has shaped the inner identity of Europe. As he assumed the mantle of office, the young King Solomon was invited to make a request. How would it be if we, the law-makers of today, were invited to make a request?
Pope Benedict XVI gives a speech to the German Bundestag in Berlin | RATZINGER – GÄNSWEIN
What would we ask for? I think that, even today, there is ultimately nothing benedixto we could wish for but a listening heart — the capacity to discern between good and evil, and thus to establish true law, to serve justice and peace. I thank you for your attention! Ratzinger, Die Einheit der Nationen. Waldstein, Ins Herz geschrieben. Das Naturrecht als Fundament einer menschlichen Gesellschaft Augsburg,pp.